PLANTATION COMMUNITY IN SRI LANKA
AND THEIR MAJOR ISSUES
ABOUT THE PLANTATION COMMUNITY
The
Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka formerly known as Ceylon is a pear
shaped tiny island located in the Indian Ocean about twenty eight kilometers
off the South-eastern coast of India. Sri Lanka has a population of about
twenty one million in which Sinhalese makes up seventy four percent of the
population and are concentrated in the densely populated Southwest. Sri Lankan
Tamils, whose South Indian ancestors have lived on the island for several centuries, are
about twelve percent of the total population live who throughout the country
and predominantly present in the Northern Province of the island. Indian
Tamils, a distinct ethnic group, also known as plantation Tamils represent
about five percent of the population. The British brought them to Sri Lanka in
the nineteenth century as estate laborers to work initially in a coffee
plantation and then later in tea, rubber plantations. They remain concentrated
in the "tea country" of South-central Sri Lanka.
The
labour law in Sri Lanka was discussed in 1840s during the British colonial
period where was the coffee plants had been destroyed by an unidentified fungus
and it was replaced with tea as a commercial crop in 1867 by Mr. James Tailor,
whom was the citizen of Scotland and succeed in planting tea instead of coffee
and his first tea production was marketed in Sri Lanka in 1872 at Kandy city.
As
follow the other land owners also started to plant tea by replaced the coffee
in a bigger scale. Tea production was
developed as biggest economic market in Sri Lanka in 1890s. The labour shortage was raised up as a major
issue to meet the demand, and the local manpower was inefficient to meet and
fulfil the demand and supply at that time.
So they decided to bring labour from south India by introduce the system
of ‘Tundus’ which was used as visa to enter into the country for employment and
‘Kanganies’ (Agent) the name of the person who had contact to bring labours
from south India was given the Tundus to supply labours. There were number of people had come from
south India and travel (by foot) from the north part to the central part of Sri
Lanka and while walking there are number of people who died due to fever and
dearie. All of them recruited as
labour and they were provided with a small house call line rooms and they were
supplied with basic food, cloths, bed sheets etc. And treated as slaveries by
the owners and only expected to take maximum output a day.
The
contacts for hire and service ordinance No. 5 of 1841 was introduce as first
ordinance for Labour Law in Sri Lanka based on hiring contract labour for the
said Plantations. Under this ordinance
the ‘Kanganies’ had authority to bring labour from India and supplied to the
British Plantation owners. The labours
those who had brought are employed as Male for cleaning, planting, manuring and
Female was used especially for plucking.
The working hour was nearly 12 and the female had to work for 12 hours
and Male for 08 hours.
SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE
PLANTATION COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL PROVINCE
The
bulk of the Indian Tamil plantation workers in Sri Lanka were drawn from the
most depressed and lowest caste groups in South India. While this may be an artefact
of great poverty among such groups at the time when the colonial masters were
recruiting such laborers from 1840s, onwards, it appears that the colonial
masters and the employers of such laborers were deliberately looking for those
from the relevant caste groups in their search for a pliant work force due to
their firm stereotypical views about race and caste of workers.
Over
seventy five per cent of the Indian Tamil workers represent the lowest levels
in the South Indian caste hierarchy, but interestingly those in supervisory
grades were selected from among the higher status. Even though opting the
plantation work force would have produced a levelling influence on people from
different caste backgrounds, this has not happened for over hundred and fifty
years. The colonial system and the plantations imposed many restrictions on the
Indian Tamil plantation workers in order to keep them under harsh living
conditions and minimum worker benefits within the plantation workforce.
The
Sinhala and, to some extent, Tamil nationalists movements in Sri Lanka treated
them as an immigrant group with no local roots and mere interlopers brought in
by the colonial masters. As an ethnic minority in post-independence Sri Lanka,
the Indian Tamils lost their citizenship rights and a pro-gram me for
repatriation to send a significant number of them back to India was initiated
in the 1960s. One could argue that the “Untouchables” became “Touchable” within
the plantation economy as members of lower castes worked and lived side by side
with higher caste people within the plantations. There was however some degree
replication of caste or even “an invention of caste” within the plantation
economy as workers hierarchy broadly conformed to the caste system and some
services such as sanitary work, washing of cloths etc. were extracted on the
caste basis. However at present most of the population in estates engaged
working in estates
EDUCATION AND RELATED ISSUES OF
THE PLANTATION COMMUNITY
Education
is the main factor that determines the social status of a development process
of an individual as well as a community. It transforms people psychologically,
socially and culturally. The plantation community is one of the marginalized
groups that are more vulnerable in educational achievements. Due to the poor
education facilities and lack of qualified teachers students have to depend on
private tuition classes due to the poor financial situations at home it is very
hard to find t fees to the tuition classes and the students are discouraged to
follow the higher education.
The
comparison of literacy rates with national level showed that the plantation
community was only 76.9% while the national average was 92.4%. Similarly, only
20.2% of the plantation population has a secondary education and only 2.1% of
them had a post-secondary education. The comparable figures for the all island
are 52.2 and 20.7% respectively. More than half (55.9%) of the plantation
population had only primary education. A few of them had entered into the
university system (Treasures of the Education System in Sri Lanka, 2005).
The
state of public education was outlined in a report by the Sahaya Foundation, a
non-governmental group, in 2007: “Statistics indicate that of the school age
children in the plantation sector, only 58 percent attend up to completion of
primary schooling and only 7 percent of students who pass Ordinary Level (10th
grade) proceed to Advanced level studies. Less than 1 percent of the students
who complete their Advanced Level Exam actually make it to university (less
than ten a year).”
The
report continued: “Reasons for the dropout rate are a culmination of extreme
poverty, lack of awareness as to the importance of education, and lack of
parental motivation. Furthermore, the schools in question do not have
sufficient resources to ensure attendance.”
According
to a 2007 World Bank assessment, the country’s official literacy rate in
2003-2004 was 92.5 percent, but for the plantation sector was 81.3 percent. In
the case of women, the island-wide literacy rate was 90.6 percent, but was 74.7
percent for the plantation sector.
The
dropout rate for the estate sector is high—averaging 18% percent at grade five
as compared to just 1.4 percent for the whole country. According to education
ministry data, the male transition rate from primary to secondary level in the Numara
Eliya district is far lower than other districts. Many boys are compelled to
join the workforce.
Public
schools throughout the country, including in Colombo, are poorly
resourced—lacking qualified teachers, science laboratories, proper buildings
and playgrounds. But the conditions facing students in Colombo and the plantation
districts are worlds apart.
There
is an acute lack of teachers in the estate areas. According to 2007 records,
the student-to teacher-ratio was 1:45 as compared to 1:22 for the island as a
whole. This translates into far larger class sizes, cramped conditions and
overworked teachers.
Proposed intervention-
as mentioned above Education is the main factor that determines the social
status of a development process of an individual as well as a community. It
transforms people psychologically, socially and culturally it the responsibility
of everyone to educate the society which will empower everyone individually and
collectively for an example providing IT/Technical Knowledge.
HEALTH RELATED ISSUES OF THE
PLANTATION COMMUNITY IN CENTRAL PROVINCE
The
indicators of health and nutrition are another source which reflects the
backward and neglected nature of the plantation community. The percentage of
undernourished children below the age group of five years in the plantation
sector was 38.9% whereas the percentage of the rural and the urban sector were
lower and they were 21.8 and 12.8% respectively. Infant mortality in the sector
was 60.6% while the national rate was only 25.3% and still birth rate is 20% in
the plantation sector.
The
plantation health sector is still not integrated with the national health
stream and it is treated as a separate entity. As a result, national health
policies and health programmes are not fully covering the plantation community.
Plantation
human development trust (PHDT) is
the institution handling the entire health services of the plantation sector.
Estate hospitals are not equipped with
the
necessary facilities. Lack of qualified doctors, qualified health staffs and
lack of medicine, indoor treatment facilities are the major problems faced by
the estate health service.
Proposed
intervention- Producing more doctors so that they can provide basic medical
Facilities in low cost and pressuring governmental and non-governmental
organizations to build hospitals in the local area.
HOUSING, WATER SUPPLY AND
SANITATION RELATED ISSUES
The
plantation sector has its own identical housing patterns known as line rooms,
introduced by the colonial planters. The line rooms are barrack type structured
with two hundred sq. feet for an entire family, with hardly any ventilation, no
privacy for grown-up children & women. yet overcrowding due to larger
families with their dependent parents. In the plantation sector, 185,533
families consists the population of 777,730 who lives in 163,580 housing
units/line rooms.
Most
of these line rooms are more than100 years old and seventy percent of them
lives in dilapidated conditions. The percentage of self-owned houses among the
plantation community is estimated to be low as 10.2 and others who live in the
line rooms owned by the plantation companies. Nearly, 1families do not have even line rooms they live in
temporary huts.
However,
as a result of various housing programmes implemented by the different
organization 45,000 new housing units were constructed and some of the old line
rooms were upgraded. However, given the large number of unsuitable housing
units in the plantation sector the challenges behind the provision of decent
houses for the plantation community is enormous. With regard to the provision
of drinking water and sanitation 90 and 62% of the needs of the estate sector
are met respectively due to Donors, NGOs and Government interventions.
But
still 74% of the estate households use common taps and 15.5% use common well
for drinking water. While nearly 25%of the households use latrines, another 25%
do not have access to latrine facilities. After the re-privatization in 1992.Government
Agencies and NGOs had interest to improve the water supply and sanitation
conditions, but the problem still prevails in higher level compare to the other
sectors (Status of Workers Housing in Plantations, 2004).
Proposed
intervention: Empowering the families to have own house and facilities and
pressuring government for own lands and basic infrastructures.
Employment related
Issues:
Labour
force participation rate in the estate sector is around 45%. The sector also
characterized by high labour force participation rate (43.4 percent) among
females compare to the other sectors. However, in the recent years the labour
force participation rate of the sector is decreasing due to the emerging trend
of greater emphasis on education over employment at a relatively younger
generation. However there is a decline in the participation of female in labour
force from 47.6% in 1986/87 to 45% in 1996/97 in the plantation sector.
Out
of the total active persons in the plantation community 80.6% are employed
while the unemployment rate is 19% overall. But the unemployment rate among the
younger generation is 70.5%. While 7.5% of the working people have permanent
employment the others which are 28.7 percent are temporarily employed and 3.1%
are self-employed.
On
the other hand, only 9.1% of the plantation people have subsidiary occupations.
Unemployment is an acute socio- economic as well as development problem because
of its relationship to the poverty and human development.
Unemployment
has been identified as an emerging problem among the plantation youth
especially after privatization of the plantations in 1992. Among all the
plantation youth, the unemployment rate is 38.63% but it is 50.6% among the
educated youth. Of the working youth only 43.67% have permanent employment and
the balance engaged in temporary or casual works (Labor Force.
It
is also noteworthy to explain that among the working youth only twenty five are
satisfied with their present jobs while 67.75% are not satisfied. The reasons
for dis- satisfaction are low wage, lack of incentives, low states of job, lack
of promotional aspects, lack of social security benefits etc. The higher
poverty line defined by the Department of Census and Statistics revealed that
nearly 80% of the plantation households lie below the poverty line. The income
of plantation workers household is determined mainly by five sectors such as
daily wage rate which is determine by the collective agreement, the number of
days of work offered to them by the estate management, the number of days they
actually worked, non-plantation work income that they are able to earn and
number of income receives in the household. From the inception of the
plantations, the managements have maintained a low wage mechanism in order to
ensure chief labor and higher profit. Because of this mechanism, they receive
very low level of wage in the country compare to the workers in the other sectors.
The current salary of an estate worker is Rs1000.00. which is very low to
manage with the current economic crisis in Sri Lanka.
Proposed Intervention: with
the support of the government and non-government organizations support creating
more job opportunities and self-employments for men and women for a sustainable
development.
CHILD PROTECTION AND CHILD LABOUR
RELATED ISSUES
Although
there is a slight improvement in schooling among the plantation children, child
labor and child protection bound to be one of the serious issues. A study
conducted by Vijesandiran for centre on plantation study showed that among the
plantation children below eighteen years old, 28.82% had engaged in child
labour. The child labour rate is high among the female (33.55%) compare to the
male children (22.58%). Poverty and poor education facilities are found to be
the major causes of child labour problem. It is observed that parents are
compelled to send their children to work as avenue to cope with poverty
incidence.
Due
to the poverty issues in families most of the children effected by
Malnutrition, mothers have to go to estates for work and children are looked
after at the day care centers. A child doesn’t get a mothers love during the
child hood at the day care centers in some places children are mostly communicated
and taught by not in their mother tongue
and they get the pre school education in their second language and this
effects in their pre schools and making the student a slow learner. There is a
high demand of well-trained preschool teachers who can teach in their mother
tongue.
Proposed Intervention: Creating
Child care centers with all the basic arrangements so that a child can grow
happily which will fit their future needs.
ALCOHOLISM /GAMBLING/DRUGS/SUICIDE
AND YOUTH RELATED ISSUES
In
addition to this, it is also observed that there is an increasing trend in
alcohol habit among the members of the plantation community. There is nearly
60% of the plantation workers consume alcohol and they spend 6.6% of their
total income on alcohol and 6.7% of their income on Tobacco and Beetle.
Alcoholism is seen as two aspects in relation to poverty in the plantation
community (Household Income and Expenditure Survey, 2003). One is that the
alcoholism is one of the major causes for higher poverty incidence and the
other one is that it is the result of the higher level of human poverty which
prevails in the community. In 2002, 53 years after independence from the
British and more than fifteen years after the large privately owned tea
plantations were declared as state corporations and again after the 1995/96
privatization of plantations, female wage earnings continued to be handed over
to the males.
This
effectively carries on historically established norms of gender discrimination.
Management personnel confirmed earlier observations that frequent family
conflicts arise because men tends to waste the wages of their wives or other
females on alcohol and gambling.
And
it has been a major problem with the youth of the central province is taking
drugs which leads to dropping out from schools and wasting time without
engaging any employments. Yet there is an increment of crimes and robberies
murders, suicides etc.. It is very important to keep
Proposed
intervention: every
youth engaged in activities which will benefit them individually as well as
collectively such as engaging in skill development through using digital literacy.
Status of
Women and related issues: Sri Lanka has attracted much
attention as a country in which women are unusually favorable in society and in
political field when compared to other countries of the SAARC region but the
plantation women have been neglected and marginalized by development programs.
Plantation women’s work has been undervalued and underestimated.
The
economic contribution to women has not been fully recognized. The plantation woman
tends to have multiple roles. Women have double burden as income earners and as
care-takers. As a result, they do not have leisure time on a normal working
day. Estate women are vulnerable to the oppressive economic and social
structures which exist in the system that has continued to be their subordinate
for over a century.
Women’s
subordination is rooted in patriarchy, in the plantation families, decision
making on major issues like education of children, their employment and
marriage, handling of the household authority structure of the family is been
decided by the husband. Women form the majority among trade union subscribers
but not even 1% of the position in the decision making level is shared by them.
The isolated life led by them in the estate is another issues, most of them do
not know any world beyond their estate. Female literacy rate remain lower in
plantation sector than in the other sector and the school dropout rate of
females remains high. It has been recorded that only 53% of female children
actually complete primary schooling, 24% attends secondary school and only 4%
remain until GCE ‘O’ level.
Women
working as tea pluckers form the single largest segment of the plantation
workforce in Sri Lanka. The smooth operation of factory-based tea processing is
heavily dependent on the skillfulness and efficiency of the tea pluckers who
brings in the green tea leaf. The female workers are economically far more
important than male workers. Until 1978, however, female laborers were paid 20%
less than male laborers. In 1978 the government passed legislation to increase
and equalize plantation wages for all labor categories, thus removing the wage
anomaly between male and female plantation labor that had existed in the sector
since its beginning in the mid- nineteenth century.
According
to the office records of plantations, female workers earn relatively higher
incomes than men, but evidence suggests that they neither handle nor manage
their earnings. To start with, the female workers do not collect their own
wages. Women's wages are routinely handed over to the males (husbands/ fathers)
by the management and this practice was originated in the mid nineteenth
century, when the Indian Tamil labor gangs, consisting entirely of families
were brought to the newly opened plantations in the island from southern India.
In
2002, 53 years after independence from the British and more than fifteen years
after the large privately owned tea plantations were declared as state
corporations and again after the 1995/96 privatization of plantations, female
wage earnings continued to be handed over to the males.
This
effectively carries on historically established norms of gender discrimination.
Management personnel confirmed earlier observations that frequent family
conflicts arise because men tends to waste the wages of their wives or other
females on alcohol and gambling.
In
the view of management, however, women do have the opportunity to collect their
own wages, since there is a compulsory work stoppage when wage payments are
made. Plantation workers are paid twice a month and although there is a work
stoppage on the formal payday, the vast majority of the women tea pluckers
simply stay at home and male members of the household collect their wages. It
should be noted however, that there are instances when women collect the men's
wages as well. But such cases are extremely rare.
On
the days when ‘wage advance’ is paid, only a few plantations stopped work
anyway, usually in the afternoon, when the men were relatively free (Samarasinghe,
1993). It may be argued that as a consequence of a long history of male control
of their earnings, the Indian Tamil female tea plantation workers would have internalized
the belief that they cannot manage money and voluntarily leave the management
of their earnings to the males.
But
this does not appear to be the reality. For instance, they have small amount of
money that they had managed to hide away in an informal savings system called Ceettu.
The participants would take turns in receiving the pooled sum of money each
month. That money is not given to the males and the women spend it mainly on
purchase of household goods and in some instances on jewelry. As for collecting
their own wages, they had neither the resources nor the organizational
capability to change the pattern in the face of a male-dominant workplace and a
patriarchal domestic sphere.
They
viewed themselves as producers, working as many hours as possible to earn the
maximum wages.
In
addition to the above characteristics and social realities, tea plantation
workers devote their lifetime which to an outsider may seem irrational. This
situation of total institution remains almost the same as it was in the colonial
period. It is the males in the family who collected the cash payment and spends
it on themselves.
Most
of the families especially females in the household suffer and have to bear
burdens mentally and physically with huge responsibility and worries in their
lives. They have to earn, prepare meals, look-after the family, arrange
marriages and dowries for their female children, look after grandchildren and
the like. They tolerate all sorts of
Harassment
from their drunken males. As a family they have a peculiar lifestyle, which is
totally different from that in the surrounding village culture. Culturally and
socially females in Sri Lankan society still behaves in a traditional manner.
This includes not drinking alcohol, smoking, or grumbling except for some elite
classes and westernized females (Samarasinghe, 1993)
Proposed
intervention- Empowering women economically and politically solve many problems
of women it is our responsibility to supporting the women for empowerment.
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